Spider-Man: Into The Spider-Verse Movie Review – It’s Well Worth Taking A Swing On

Spider-Man: Into The Spider-Verse Movie Review - It's Well Worth Taking A Swing On

Shameik Moore in Spider-Man: Into The Spider-Verse (Image Credit: Sony Pictures Animation)

Cast: Shameik Moore, Jake Johnson, Hailee Steinfeld

Directors: Bob Persichetti, Peter Ramsey, Rodney Rothman

Rating: 4 Stars (Out of 4)

Miles Morales makes the most of his Hollywood moment.

Spider-Man: Into The Spider-Verse, the multidimensional mind-trip from Sony Pictures Animation, feels less like the seventh Spider-Man movie to hit the big screen (we’re not counting Venom) and more like a one-of-a-kind, wall-crawling experience. It deserves top ranking among Spider-Man’s greatest cinematic achievements, live-action or otherwise.

This movie, and particularly this universe, is the start of something special for Sony, which needed Marvel Studios and an Avengers membership card to save its franchise. But it may now be on the cusp of a new kind of sequel-spawning, connected superhero universe where Marvel Studios’ help isn’t needed. Imagine that.

Spider-Verse combines two of the most recent and popular story lines from the comics: one, the idea that there are multiple dimensions featuring all different types of Spider-Mans, and two, the debut of the half Puerto Rican, half African-American webslinger, Miles Morales. The movie also includes classic foes, many with a new twist – including the Kingpin, who is the literal big bad in this film.

Miles (voiced by Shameik Moore) is the star of the movie, but many other spider-people make an appearance because of a dimensional breach. They include an older, unshaven and slightly out of shape Peter Parker (Jake Johnson); one of Marvel Comics’ coolest new characters, Spider-Gwen (Hailee Steinfeld); Spider-Man Noir (who should be called Spider-Batman and is voiced by Nicolas Cage); and the might-as-well-be Porky Pig in a Spider-Man suit, Spider-Ham (John Mulaney). They are all there to guide Miles on his journey of realization that he, too, can be Spider-Man.

And while that’s a lot of super folks swinging around New York City, Miles gets his own time to shine and proves himself worthy of his superhero name (and still rocks one of the coolest superhero suits in comics).

We also get quick but heartfelt glimpses of Miles’ life without a mask. It’s moments like these that mean a lot to the legion of diverse fans that writer Brian Michael Bendis and artist Sara Pichelli had in mind when they created the character – a biracial kid taking up a legendary superhero mantle.

It’s touching to see Miles roll his eyes at his African-American father, Jefferson (Brian Tyree Henry), who isn’t afraid to get on a bullhorn and profess the love he has for his baby boy. Miles also tries to dodge besos from his Puerto Rican mother, Rio (Luna Lauren Velez), who lectures him in English and Spanish. We see Miles’s personal life parallel Peter Parker’s when he comes into his powers at the same time he discovers his uncle Aaron (Mahershala Ali) is a supervillain working for the Kingpin. You can’t be Spider-Man without uncle drama, after all.

Brooklyn is definitely in the house in this movie, and Miles’ biracial existence plays a big part in its authenticity. A little of the Notorious B.I.G. in the soundtrack doesn’t hurt either.

These subtle nods to the cultures in Miles’ life are genuinely heartwarming and the kind of thing you don’t see in your standard superhero film. It’s part of what makes Spider-Verse such a unique experience.

But this is still a superhero movie at the end of the day. Miles Morales may be a comic book cultural icon now, but there’s only so much time Spider-Verse can spend showing how woke it is. So, if you think Miles is going to be scowling at unseasoned potato salad and screaming “yo soy Boricua pa’que tu lo sepas” anytime someone asks if he’s Dominican (that happens a lot when you’re half African-American/half Puerto Rican), well, there’s no time for that. There’s a new universe to establish.

Sony is on a roll right now and has not one but two franchises that could reignite its ability to print bucks at the box office sans Marvel Studios.

Venom has used its buzz factor to rake in almost $850 million in ticket sales worldwide. Spider-Verse is more of the same, but it’s a different kind of movie experience for this franchise – one that feels bold, fresh and bravely experimental.

The most compelling thing about this movie is the loud message that anyone, no matter who you are or where you come from, can be Spider-Man. Can be a hero. Can be an inspiration.


Dimensions of Sexual Violence and Patriarchy in a Militarised State

Enforced disappearances, extrajudicial killings, torture, and sexual violence have characterised Indian military operations in Kashmir. Of these, sexual violence has been used widely to “break” individuals and communities, and as a tool for punishing resistance against violence by the Indian state. The discourse around sexual violence, however, has always revolved around women with very little focus on men and transgender persons, given the patriarchal understanding of sexual violence and power relations. A critical part of this discussion is also looking at how the patriarchal structure of the society acts as a facilitator for the effective use of sexual violence as a tool against the people. The sexual violence that is propagated and implemented by a masculine patriarchal state can be resisted well with a deeper understanding of gender dynamics.

Kashmir’s armed struggle has been a matter of serious concern for the Indian state that has been claiming Kashmir as its own “integral part” contrary to the political aspiration of many Kashmiris. The embarrassment caused to the world’s “largest democracy” by the movement for self-determination and the resistance to military occupation by the people of Kashmir has been retaliated with extreme violence and gross human rights violations. In different cycles of both armed and civilian resistance, hundreds have been injured, killed and maimed as a result of direct physical violence perpetrated by the Indian state and there has been absolute impunity for these crimes (Human Rights Watch Report 1993a). People across divides of age, religion and gender have protested against the away occupation in Kashmir. While researching and writing about the human rights violations in this region that are widely believed to be the result of military occupation and army operations against armed rebellion, the wide use of sexual violence by the armed forces—that remain protected by the guarantee of legal immunity under the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act, 1958—cannot be overlooked.

Sexual violence has effectively been used as a weapon to crush resistance and break the morale of people across the world in conflict zones. In Kashmir also sexual violence has been used as an important part of strategy for crushing support to the popular armed rebellion in Kashmir. The families of militants, mostly women, have been attacked but the families of non-combatants and civilians have been victims and survivors of this violence too. It is usually incorrectly assumed that sexual violence is used against only women. Men have equally been victims of a sexualised form of violence. However, the motive behind perpetrating sexual violence against men is distinct from sexual violence against women (Kazi 2008).

Gendered Shades

Sexual violence against women by men is not about a male desire for sexual gratification, but is a proven assertion of sexual power to subjugate, given the unequal power dynamics between genders in the society. Many cases of sexual violence committed by civilian men against women end in the woman being killed or mutilated, proving that aggression and a display of masculinity forms the basis of motivation for such crimes. Coupled with the social structure where the blame and shame is directed towards the victim, sexual violence against women becomes an instant tool to break a woman’s sense of self, forcing her into victimisation (Bhugra and Kalra 2013: 244–49).

Sexual violence against women that manifests in the context of militarisation is immediately a fatal combination of unquestionable power and absolute impunity, as is the case in Kashmir. The institution of military has used sexual violence against women as a tool to punish them and the communities. It is an attack on “collective honour” and not just of individuals and their immediate families but on a collective identity (Human Rights Watch 1993b). In a state of militarisation, the idea of the “other” or the “enemy” is strongly, actively nurtured and thus sexual violence by this “other” is seen as an aggression against the entire community. Kashmir’s history is replete with examples of how the Indian state through its armed forces attacked the entire Kashmiri community. In 1991, a unit of the 4th Rajputana Rifles of the Indian armed forces raped women inside their homes in the twin villages of Kunan Poshpora, while the men were being tortured during a cordon and search operation. This was meant as an attack not just on the “honour” of the people of these villages, but on the entire Kashmiri community, that has been supporting the armed struggle against the Indian state, as a representative action that could break a whole community (Batool et al 2016).

There are other manifestations of this state-sponsored sexual violence too, ranging from everyday harassment on streetsto trying to embarrass women during search operations by displaying their undergarments to outright rapes of individual women and collective mass rape (Qadri and Haziq 2016). Merely limiting the violence to rapes or penetration would result in negating the everyday experiences of thousands of women by institutionalised violence that has the support of impunity. The World Health Organization (WHO) defines sexual violence as

any sexual act, attempt to obtain a sexual act, unwanted sexual comments or advances, or acts to traffic, or otherwise directed, against a person’s sexuality using coercion, by any person regardless of their relationship to the victim, in any setting, including but not limited to home and work. (Krug et al 2002: 149)

Of Impunity and Denial

Sexual violence follows the impunity that the Indian armed forces have in Kashmir under the protection of the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act (AFSPA). The AFSPA was passed in some states of India on 11 September 1958, but it was extended to Kashmir in July 1990. Under this act, army personnel can enter and search to make arrests without a warrant and fire to injure and even kill any individual “suspected” to be acting against law. Fake encounters, custodial killings, civilian killings, detentions and disappearances are a result of the impunity that this act provides to the Indian armed forces (Wani et al 2013: 62). In addition to the impunity that AFSPA grants, there is an extended cover of legal impunity as proven recently when the Supreme Court of India stayed investigations against Major Aditya Kumar, accused of firing on and killing three civilians in Shopian in January 2018 (Soni 2018).

There are only denials against accusations of rape and sexual violence. Till date no accused from the army has been tried in a civilian court, even when there are provisions for them to be tried in such courts for crimes such as rapes, murder and culpable homicide. Even in cases where there have been trials in military court, the accused has merely been suspended from service, as in the case of Major Rahman, who raped a mother and daughter in Bader Payeen in Handwara in 2004 (Jammu Kashmir Coalition of Civil Society report 2015). He was only suspended from service after a court martial and later reinstated (Jaleel 2018). It is abundantly clear that punishment for sexual violence is only an eyewash, intended to deceive people. The Indian armed forces have used sexual violence against women to create a sense of fear among the people, and to establish a norm of punishing people who might support resistance against the state. As in the case of the mass rape in Kunan Poshpora in 1991, the incident was a collective punishment against the villagers for “sheltering militants.” Through violating the bodies of women a message was sent, and not just once, that the community would be broken in any way possible for any act of defiance. These offences have not been limited to just the Indian armed forces, but were used as a tactic by the government-sponsored militia known as ikhwans to consolidate their power and instil fear within Kashmiris. Their crimes went unchallenged and unquestioned (Human Rights Watch 1996).

While sexual violence against women in Kashmir has received attention, countless men in Kashmir are also victims of sexual assaults perpetrated by the various apparatuses of the Indian state. Sexual violence works on similar lines of power and subjugation among both men and women, especially in conflict zones, where it is a more explicit weapon against a certain population. Within the patriarchal structure, however, sexual violence against men tends to break an individual, keeping in mind the expectations of hegemonic masculinity. Sexual violence against men, mostly boys, is also a reality in both conflict and non-conflict zones, but is mostly neglected as it is erroneously perceived to be a rarity (Kapur and Mudell 2016: 11–14). This fact further complicates the gender equations underlying the idea of why sexual violence is prevalent and perpetrated. Gender relations in sexual violence are seen mostly as men perpetrating violence against women, but the vulnerability of men to sexual assault in conflicts results in both men and women being victims. Sexual violence against men in conflict areas like Kashmir has been used mostly as a torture technique; being sexually violated has been reported as a routine by those who have been detained by the Indian armed forces. Common techniques include mutilation of genitals, forced sodomy or insertion of object into the anal canal (Qadri 2016). When used against men, sexual violence is a tool to break the man, to induce a sense of shame and to dent the “masculinity” of the man, so that he breaks into giving what is required of him, or as punishment for defying the state. The sexual abuse, torture, and mutilation of male detainees or prisoners are often carried out to attack and destroy their sense of masculinity or manhood (United Nations report 2002).

A step ahead in this discourse around sexual violence against men and women would be discussing the much ignored sexual violence faced by transgender persons in Kashmir, which is not considered even a remote possibility, given the focus on the gender binary. The transgender from Maisuma, Javed Ahmad, also called Jave Maam is famous for his style of protest. Jave Maam adopted the term ragda which became the hallmark of protest sloganeering in the 2008 protests. Jave, like other Kashmiris, faced sexual violence when he was stripped naked, as a punitive action for protesting(Rashid 2017).

Patriarchy as an Ally

An understanding and critical research of how sexual violence has been used by states against people in armed conflicts worldwide clearly reflects that sexual violence is an effective tool to break people. Militarisation in Kashmir has led to a climate of impunity and lack of accountability, where people are unable to report or engage with institutions that would otherwise provide respite to them. The low percentage of reporting of cases against the Indian state can be attributed to the fact that a fear of reprisal against the people is common, and there are no precedents of punitive action against the perpetrators. There is no denying the fact that militarisation provides a cover of impunity to its apparatuses, however, a critical ally to the effectiveness of a weapon like sexual violence is the patriarchal structure of the society. The state and the military in itself is a patriarchal institution that covers up morally for its crimes of war by citing patriarchal excuses, especially when it comes to sexual violence. Apologists for the Indian armed forces have used the notion of armed men being jawans, young men who are bound to commit sexual misdemeanour that has nothing to do with the state, but is a commonly accepted aberration of male behaviour. It is an exoneration of perpetrators using what is a universal system of oppression and justifying male dominance and excesses.

The deeper problem is that men seem to use sexual violence when deployed not only in times of war as the “enemy,” but also when their role is perceived to be that of protectors. An example of the widespread unchecked sexual abuse by UN peacekeeping forces in Haiti, Cambodia, Congo, etc, against women and minors, proves that combined with a military/armed forces background, sexual violence is bound to be used to terrorise and abuse those who are vulnerable (Anderlini 2017). The state understands the patriarchal nature of Kashmiri society which makes sexual violence effective. An example of this is considering the bodies of women as repositories of “honour,” “chastity” and “chivalry” of men, which, when violated by the enemy, psychologically breaks the men of the community in their failure to “protect their women,” a role that patriarchy assigns them (Coomaraswamy 2002).

Similarly, when sexual violence against men is used to break their “masculinity,” and to “feminise” them, it is in accordance with the patriarchal notion that a man will not be fit to be a protector and is now “feminised,” as in a helpless individual overpowered through infliction of sexual violence. The refusal of men to report or document cases of sexual violence against them for the fear of loss of reputation in the society and a stigma of being mocked as “effeminate” is strong evidence of patriarchy helping the larger occupation. “Men also may be loath to talk about being victimised, considering this incompatible with their masculinity, particularly in societies in which men are discouraged from talking about their emotions” (Sivakumaram 2007: 255). This is similar to the women who are victims of sexual violence, and who would rather not report sexual violence against them from fear of reprisal, given the social stigma attached to rapes and sexual violence. A glaring example of this has been the Kunan Poshpora mass rape in which a lot of unmarried survivors preferred not to be named in legal documents out of fear for their future. The whole scenario of the experiences of transgender persons missing from the broader narrative of occupation is also an example of how as a society we are yet to open up beyond patriarchal gender binary.

The idea is not to exonerate militarisation and occupation as a reason and as a system to perpetrate sexual violence against Kashmiris, but to understand that patriarchy has been effectively used against Kashmiris to break and silence them. Questioning the structures of patriarchy in Kashmiri resistance is important, especially as women and transgender persons have been together in this movement both as contributors to resistance and victims of violence. The recent image of young college girls on the streets, with stones in their hands, should lead the way; they did not merely scare the occupation but broke gender norms to foil a plot and narrative of the Indian state, that of portraying women as victims whose actions are directed and dictated by men.


Anushka Sharma On 10 Years Of Bollywood: ‘Made A Career With Unconventional Choices’

Anushka Sharma On 10 Years Of Bollywood: 'Made A Career With Unconventional Choices'

nushka Sharma has completed 10 years in the movie business and the actor believes the reason for her successful run are the “unconventional” choices she has made as a performer, producer and an entrepreneur. Anushka, who carved a niche with films like Band Baaja Baaraat, PK, Sultan, NH10, made her debut opposite Shah Rukh Khan in 2008 blockbuster Rab Ne Bana Di Jodi.

“I have always made unconventional choices because it comes from my instincts. I have been successful with those unconventional choices. I have made a career with unconventional choices and that’s why I have created a different standing for myself in the film industry,” Anushka told PTI.

“I believe luck favours the brave. I wasn’t doing it thinking it is risky. I was doing it because that made sense for me. For me following my instincts is an easier thing,” she added. The producer of critically acclaimed films like NH 10, Phillauri and Pari said the focus on content has helped her company Clean Slate Films flourish.

“Whether content is in a big or a small film, it will always work. Audience looks for entertainment. If anyone thinks they are above content then they are making a big mistake. Content is over stars, directors or everything else,” she added.

After doing back-to-back films, Anushka has decided to take time in choosing a new project as she now feels a bit secure about her place in the industry. “I felt I was working round the clock and my life is in the hands of everybody and whoever I had to give time to. I want to take time and pick films that I want to choose. I am in talks with few people.

“I have reached a level of security and position where I can take the time to do a film that I want to do. I am not a newcomer who has to do films for the heck of it. Even when I was a newcomer I was not doing it. I am ok with that. I have gained that position,” she said.

The actor, however, has no plans to go slow when it comes to production.

“The show that we are doing for Amazon Prime Video and for Netflix does require time. If I am producing a film in which I am acting, I have taken out time from my schedule to do it. Here I have to take out time.

“It is a behind-the-scene job so one might not see it but that requires time. I am an actor who produces films also. And that is not slowing down,” she said.

Anushka, who is currently busy promoting her upcoming film Zero with Shah Rukh and Katrina Kaif, is yet to sign any new project.

There were also reports of her soon starting the work on her next production Kaneda to be directed by NH 10 helmer Navdeep Singh, but Anushka said right now her banner is only focusing on ties with Prime Video and Netflix.

“I have that script (Kaneda). We are not in the process of doing it currently. We have our hands full with a series that we are doing with Amazon Prime Video and the movie that we are producing for Netflix,” she said.


Could social media emerge as a new critical infrastructure sector?

Social media has become an important conduit for official and emergency government communications with the public. With such communications having the power to critically affect national security, social networks have become a hacker’s paradise and need to be taken more seriously.

US President Donald Trump’s official Twitter account is one example of how social media is now a popular channel for engaging with the public in realtime. At the more extreme end of the scale, recent events in Hawaii and Japan saw false missile alerts sent due to human error, causing populations to spiral into turmoil. These incidents highlight how social media accounts are becoming part of the critical infrastructure that governs our day-to-day lives.

It’s clear that communications, or mis-communications, of this kind have the potential to wreak havoc. But the question is: should the use of these social media accounts — like Twitter, Facebook, YouTube, LinkedIn and more — for official and emergency purposes, be regulated by legislation?

“Until these platforms are officially treated as critical infrastructure, we should consider applying the same cybersecurity practices followed by the energy, water, gas and ports industries.”

In Australia, telecommunications carriers are subject to the Telecommunications Sector Security Reforms (TSSR), while other critical infrastructure falls under the recently introduced Security of Critical Infrastructure Act (2018). This act is primarily focused on major infrastructure assets like power and water, that supply essential services to more than 100,000 people.

In both the TSSR and the act, scope is given for the relevant minister to direct a provider or intermediary “to do, or not do, a specified thing that is reasonably necessary to protect networks and facilities from national security risks.”

Under the Security of Critical Infrastructure Act, the relevant minister can also nominate additional industry centres for inclusion, provided the minister is satisfied there is a risk that the assets or services could have a prejudicial effect on national security.

Top of the priority list currently are airports and data centres. It’s possible the minister will declare social media communications as subject to the act, but, at this stage, it’s unlikely.

Top-grade cybersecurity practices essential

So, what should governments be doing when it comes to securing social media accounts used for timely or sensitive communications? Until these platforms are officially treated as critical infrastructure, we should consider applying the same cybersecurity practices followed by the energy, water, gas and ports industries.

Government personnel operating social media for official or emergency purposes should undertake a review of how their accounts are managed. Hardening communication platforms should include stepping up password management practices. This will help eliminate the chance of delays to the delivery of critical information or the exploitation of accounts for nefarious purposes, such as issuing false or misleading information.

“To strengthen these platforms against both external and internal attacks by unauthorised personnel, government departments should treat their social media accounts as privileged.”

Hackers know the value and vulnerability of social media today, and are already hijacking official accounts. In 2017, a rogue Twitter employee shut down Donald Trump’s Twitter account for 11 minutes in an act of protest.

Disgruntled employees aren’t the only risk – hackers could use any one of several social engineering techniques, such as phishing, to gain access to passwords for social media. If they did so, they’d be able to issue false statements on a public social media account, potentially causing fear and panic.

Government personnel within specific departments or offices commonly share access to social media accounts. This means that potentially dozens of people throughout an agency have access, admin or editing rights on these platforms. Not least, passwords for these accounts are usually shared between team members, rarely changed, and often re-used across a number of accounts.

Any account with a shared or re-used password can be an easy target for a hacker or corrupt insider. There is also rarely a record of which team member published each post — increasing the possibility of a false alert being deliberate and untraceable.

Just two minutes after the missile alert was issued on Twitter in Hawaii, the governor was told it was a false alarm. While other government officials rushed to assure the public there was nothing to worry about, the governor did not tweet for more than 17 minutes. The cause of his silence? He forgot his username and password.

To strengthen these platforms against both external and internal attacks by unauthorised personnel, government departments should treat their social media accounts as privileged. That way, simple acts of forgetting, sharing or re-using passwords won’t cause delays, such as what happened in Hawaii.

Privileged account security tips

As best practice to properly secure and protect social media accounts, government departments should employ privileged account security, including:

  • Arrange transparent access: To make it harder for hackers to find and exploit credentials, authorised users must be able to seamlessly authenticate access to an account without having to remember passwords. This allows for immediate access in emergency situations, such as the incident in Hawaii.
  • Remove shared credentials: Use a digital vault to store passwords and remove the accountability challenges of shared logins. Users will then need to login individually for access to shared social media platforms.
  • Automate password rotations: Continuously changing privileged credentials safeguards against attackers using retired passwords. Regularly automating password changes can also update access privileges, reducing the possibility of an outsider getting their hands on valid credentials.
  • Review account activity: For visibility of individual users’ activity across social media accounts, a record of events can be created. This way, posts can be linked to authorised users, and rogue employees can be more easily identified.

Governments the world over are reviewing their critical infrastructure safeguards and national security precautions. As we continue to see in situations such as those in the US, Hawaii, and Japan, the public has developed a huge level of trust in communications distributed by government organisations.

Social media has become a credible and dependable medium for official communications, and it’s clear these platforms are neither inherently secure nor infallible. It’s critical to re-think how any medium used for official and emergency communications is treated and secured.


Liddell-Ortiz 3 Was More Than Enough Closure For A Classic MMA Rivalry

liddell ortiz

What did we watch Saturday night when Tito Ortiz faced Chuck Liddell at The Forum outside of Los Angeles? Was it two MMA legends legitimately renewing a 14-year rivalry? Or was it two past-their-prime fighters looking to make a quick buck?

Father time remains undefeated

Liddell, 48, looked fantastic for a dad but slow and plodding for a former UFC champion who is one of the baddest men ever to ever step into a cage. Ortiz, no spring chicken at 43, knocked out Liddell at 4:24 of the first round in the light heavyweight bout.

It’s not uncommon for mixed martial artists to fight into their 40s. Former greats such as Randy Couture and Dan Henderson successfully fought past the age of 45. Current UFC light-heavyweight champion Daniel Cormier is less than four months shy of 40. It’s not always the miles on the car. It’s how many accidents the car has been in.

Liddell’s career highlight reel of knockouts drew everyone in. His trademark tornado-like flurry of punches is ingrained in MMA fans’ minds. Now, those great memories of “The Iceman” are drifting further and further away. He’s lost four fights in a row, all via knockout. His greatest strength has become his greatest weakness: standing toe-to-toe and recklessly brawling. It’s never easy to see a legend in any sport go out on their heels.

Ortiz, on the other hand, makes out like a fat rat. A man who’s on the Mount Rushmore of all-time disliked fighters got the win over his career rival in the most conclusive way possible. It was the first knockout in more than 12 years for Ortiz, a notorious wrestle-first fighter. “The Huntington Beach Bad Boy” stressed over and over his confidence going into the fight, and it showed in the game plan. He did not attempt a single takedown. Ortiz methodically stalked Liddell until he landed a big right hand on The Iceman’s chin.

What’s next for the two MMA legends?

Following his last fight in UFC in June 2010, Liddell was employed by the promotion as a front office executive. Along with former UFC champ Matt Hughes, he was let go when UFC was sold to WME-IMG in 2016.

The Iceman was left with a lot more time on his hands. He’s consistently in the gym working with younger fighters. He’s also living a much healthier lifestyle than he was in his heyday; Liddell battled alcohol abuse throughout his UFC career. Liddell’s return to the cage Saturday is part of the fallout from leaving UFC. “Just kinda trying to figure what I want to do, I look at it as a blessing in disguise. It’s got me re-motivated to go out and find what I really want to do,” Liddell said on The MMA Hour in 2017.

Liddell is now in the same position as he was two years ago: defeated, unemployed, and with time to kill.


Zero: Shah Rukh Khan wants to keep Sridevi’s song as a surprise!

Shah Rukh Khan and Sridevi

Updated: Nov 27, 2018, 05:23 PM IST

Ever since the trailer of Shah Rukh Khan starrer Zero was released, fans have been eagerly waiting to see the superstar on the big screen essaying the role of a dwarf for the first time in his illustrious career. The first song from the film Mera Naam Tu has already got the fans humming its tunes and is fast catching on to the trends charts.

While the movie’s trailer and music have have successfully created a lot of buzz, not many are aware that Zero will have a host of other Bollywood stars making cameo appearances in the movie. Salman Khan, Alia Bhatt, Abhay Deol, Rani Mukerji, Karisma Kapoor, Kareena Kapoor, Kajol and the late legendary diva Sridevi are the few known names all set to appear in the film.

According to a report in Times of India, just like Deewangi Deewangi from Om Shanti Om, Zero also features a song which will have Shah Rukh Khan shaking a leg with a number of leading ladies, one of them being Sridevi. The late actress had shot for her cameo appearance last year in October. She plays herself in the film.

The film’s leading hero, Shah Rukh Khan, is leaving no stone unturned  to give the diva a tribute in the best way possible. The song which features multiple stars along with Sridevi will not be out until the release of the film. The superstar wants fans to take a look at the late legendary diva’s last cinematic outing directly when the film releases on the big screens next month.

In February this year, Sridevi bid goodbye to the world due to accidental drowning in the bathtub of her hotel room in Dubai. Her demise had sent shockwaves in Bollywood industry and her fans across the globe.

Directed by Anand L Rai, Zero also stars Anushka Sharma and Katrina Kaif in leading roles. The film is slated to hit the theatres on December 21 this year.